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posté le 05-03-2011 à 18:38:47

Quand vous êtes dans l'oeil du Face-bouc ça commence à puer  

 

 

Aujourd'hui les manifestations se sont poursuivies dans diverses villes de Croatie, la plus importante (environ 2000 manifestants) ayant eu lieu à Varaždin. (Photos sur jutarnji.hr

 

Demain est prévu à 16h00 une nouveau grand rassemblement à Zagreb dont le point de départ est la place des Fleurs.

 

***

 

A lire un article de Drago Hedl sur le Courrier des Balkans intitulé "Croatie : un vent de révolte qui souffle encore plus fort que la bora".

 

L'original en italien sur Osservatorio balkani e caucasso

 

Euronews : Les Croates continuent de manifester contre le gouvernement

 

 

 

 


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posté le 05-03-2011 à 17:30:13

Le Bloc libertaire de Rijeka

 

 

 

Nous nous fixons pour but de défendre les droits sociaux qu'on conquis les générations précédentes et d'empêcher la réduction des droits sociaux acquis nonobstant les options politiques et les tentatives.  

 

Nous nous démarquons clairement de tous les partis politiques ; nous sommes des travailleurs, des étudiants, des lycéens, des chômeurs, des retraités qui comprennent que seule une action collective d'en bas change les choses, le reste ne sont que fausses promesses et jeux politiques.

 

Nous ne nous rassemblons pas sur base de la religion, de la nationalité, de l'appartenance ethnique ou à un parti politique mais sur la conscience que nous subissons l'exploitation et l'humiliation de la part des politiciens, des chefs, des employeurs et des managers toutes couleurs confondues.

 

Nous nous rassemblons sur base de la même situation sociale, une situation sociale qui nous pousse dans la rue afin de lutter pour nous et nos enfants.

 

Ils ne peuvent mouler notre esprit libre dans leurs partis politiques et leur démocratie parlementaire, nous nous manifesterons afin de défendre et d'étendre nos droits sociaux, nous nous manifesterons et infuserons la peur dans les os de tous ceux qui parasitent notre travail et nos vies.

 

LE BLOC LIBERTAIRE de RIJEKA appelle tous les citoyens de Rijeka qui ressentent le besoin d'un fonctionnement autre, inspiré par des principes d'égalité ; qui ne veulent pas accorder leur confiance aux partis politiques et aux élites mais uniquement à eux-mêmes, à leurs collègues du travail, à leurs voisins, à leurs concitoyens qui partagent une même situation sociale.

 

Les buts à court terme

 

- Par des actions collectives empêcher la réduction des droits sociaux (droits des travailleurs, des chômeurs, des retraités, accès à l'enseignement et à la protection sociale...)

- Faire naître des initiatives locales et des unités qui seront structurées selon des principes d'égalité et seront prêtes à esquiver les impôts gouvernementaux néfastes.

- Ces mêmes initiatives et unités locales doivent s'entraider afin de se maintenir et d'assurer l'entraide et la solidarité.

- De telles unités et initiatives ainsi mises en réseau peuvent refouler et remplacer ce système corrompu.

 

Les phases de développement de la situation

 

- Former des unités et des initiatives locales dans les communautés et sur les lieux de travail (des syndicats de base régis par la démocratie directe, des organisations communales et de quartier fondées sur la démocratie directe)

- Avec elles commencer à déjouer les tentatives de réduction des droits sociaux.

- Ecarter l'ancien système pour laisser la place à une nouvelle structure, à des unités locales mises en réseau qui sont organisées sur des principes d'égalité et qui collaborent mutuellement au bénéfice de tous.

 

Le but final

 

- Assurer à chaque être sur la planète un logement gratuit, la nourriture, l'eau, l'éducation, la protections sociale, le travail...

- Nous avons atteint un degré suffisant de développement technologique que pour permettre à chaque "homme un accès libre à tous les bienfaits sociaux".

 

La question de la violence

 

- Nous estimons légitime que les gens répondent à la violence ; nous devons nous défendre contre les atteintes violentes à nos droits, indubitablement un acte d'intelligence, et non pas la question violence/non violence.*

 

La proposition d'élargir les blocs libertaires, la création de nouvelles unités locales

 

- Nous proposons à tous de commencer à rencontrer leurs collègues de travail, leurs voisins afin de s'entraider et de protéger leurs propres droits. Nous proposons de créer des organisations régies par la démocratie directe sur les lieux de travail (syndicats de base) ainsi que des organisations régies par la démocratie directe dans les communautés (assemblées de quartier).

 

 

* traduction fort littérale puisque le Bloc libertaire semble laisser planer un certain flou artistique sur cette éternelle question

 

 

 

Source : http://www.masa-hr.org/content/slobodarski-blok-rijeka

Page internet : http://slobodarski-blok.blogspot.com/

 

 

 

 


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posté le 04-03-2011 à 21:12:39

Les manifestations ont repris en Croatie, probablement les plus massives jusqu'à présent. Les sites jutarnji.hr et vecernji.hr parlent de 8.000 manifestants à Zagreb, le site index.hr avance le chiffre de 10.000.

 

Une série de photos sur le jutarnji.hr

 

la page Facebook Veliki prosvjed za rušenje Vlade ("Grande manifestation pour renverser le gouvernement")

 

A noter que dans leur parcours les manifestants ont défilé devant les bâtiments de la télévision publique (au service du gouvernement) qui a annoncé dans son habituel flux de désinformation que les manifestations ont cette fois rassemblé entre 1000 et 1500 manifestants ! Les manifestants ont scandé "Ne donnons plus la redevance" et "Hloverka (la responsable des programmes) dégage !"

 

A Pula aussi a eu lieu une manifestation d'environ 300 personnes.

 

 

 

***

Je reproduis un texte en anglais

 

Croatia: Manufacturing the politics of moderation since 1995

This short piece was written because in response to the unbelievable lack of media coverage of the protests in Croatia, especially English-language media coverage.

The astonishing lack of international media coverage of protests across Croatia this past week has drawn attention to the growing domestic discourses on ‘protest’ ‘stability’ and ‘order’ in the Balkan region.

For the past six days, citizens all over Croatia have been demonstrating every other day in cities across the country, demanding the resignation of the current ruling government coalition. Though the protests originally started as a gathering of war veterans, bolstered by the appearance of several right-wing politicians and celebrities, the war veterans themselves have become fractionalized along the issue of support for the current ruling conservative HDZ (Croatian Democratic Union) government. The seemingly trivial fractioning of this consistently HDZ-voting bloc though has opened the floodwaters to a questioning of the political programs of an entire spectrum of political parties in this very small yet very corrupt Balkan state.

Since Saturday, the veterans have been joined by unemployed workers – those both with and without postgraduate degrees, farmers, fishermen, pensioners, students, left-wing politicians such as Damir Kajin and Dragutin Lesar, and a slew of disenfranchised citizens to protest not only the actions of the ruling government, but the very way that government and citizens have engaged each other in the years since the end of the war in 1995. In an act of defiance towards the entire class of ruling elites, protesters on Wednesday night burned both the flag of the ruling HDZ party, as well as the flag of the main opposition SDP (Social Democratic Party of Croatia).

Many Croatian politicians have been quick to judge this as indexical of the ‘radical’ or ‘extremist’ elements at work amongst the protesters, outside commentators have worried about the structural ‘right-wing’ or ‘fascist’ implications of these acts. And it is true that the state of Croatia has much work to do in dealing with nationalism and hate speech amongst its citizens. These acts of flag burning however were key for exactly opposite reasons: they did signal a new and particular kind of solidarity amongst demonstrators, but it had nothing to do with a realignment of contemporary Croatian politics. Rather, it was a class solidarity, and a recognition of class solidarity above other kinds of divisions. Furthermore, the flag burning was directed not only against political elites in the state of Croatia, but against the fact that, in Croatia, political elites are synonymous with class elites. A common joke in Croatia goes along the following lines: a young boy says to his mom “Mom, when I grow up, I’m going to be rich and shower you with gifts, travel all over the place, meet celebrities and hang out with soccer players and live in a palace.” The mom says “Oh, and what will you be then when you grow up?” “A politician” answers the boy.

Protesters too have been quick to point out the lavish lifestyles of many of Croatia’s politicians. The discovery earlier this week that Ivo Sanader, former Croatian Prime Minister who is currently awaiting trial for the Hypo bank affair in Austria, received a commission of 3.5 million Croatian Kuna in the negotiations with Hypo, has done more than any one single affair to consolidate the loose alliances amongst protesters created via newspaper websites, Facebook pages, Twitter feeds, talk on the streets and phone calls between family members. Croatian media reports have come back to the claim that protesters do not have an agenda or an end goal, however, the class agenda here seems very clear. At the protests following Saturday’s initial veterans’ demonstrations, banners and posters held by participants in the cold Zagreb winter displayed only economics statistics, personal experiences, food prices and contempt for elected officials.

The number of 350 000 officially unemployed in Croatia masks the tens of thousands who are employed but have not received a salary in six months; it masks the tens of thousands who are paid in a combination of cash and ‘store credits’ that they have to spend at particular grocery stores by a certain date; it masks the fact that many families have either only one or no income; it masks the fact that pensions are not enough for pensioners to live off of, and therefore most become dependent on their children for financial support; it masks the irregular arrival of both pension and disability cheques; it masks the growing credit crisis in a country where very few guarantors are left to sign the astonishing number of loan contracts, handed out irresponsibly by foreign banks. At the beginning of the week, Prime Minister Kosor met with large food producing and processing corporations, including Agrokor and Dukat, to make sure prices of basic foodstuffs would not rise. However, this reassurance will not do much for the large number of people who already cannot support the already exorbitant food economy (nor will it do much for the Croatian politicians ever-expanding and exorbitant waist lines).

Though some have drawn a line of connection between these protests in Croatia and the uprisings in progress in the North African and Middle East region, it is more important to put all of these protests and uprisings in the larger context of the economic programs, international geopolitics and financing of the (at least) past 20 years.

Though international media have barely touched the current situation in Croatia, domestic newspapers have been overflowing with statements from Croatia’s government officials (coincidentally, the fewest number of statements have come from the HDZ Prime Minister, Jadranka Kosor, who has been the most prominent target of demonstrators). The largest trend amongst these statements has been the call to ‘order’ and ‘moderation,’ and the simultaneous portrayal of protesters by HDZ officials, amongst others, as ‘hooligans’ and ‘troublemakers.’ Earlier this week, HDZ member and former presidential candidate Andrija Hebrang accused the opposition of paying each protester 250 Croatian Kuna to rid the protests of their peaceful character. The president of the opposition SDP, Zoran Milanović reiterated “we are not Libya, we will not hand over power in the streets.” Most common of all however has been an underhanded and veiled public threat promoted by a range of political actors that these protests will threaten Croatia’s European Union ascension bid. Yesterday Milanović reiterated “the talks with the EU must be finalized, we all know what the dynamic is towards that goal.”

The veiled threats over EU ascension have been coupled with foreshadowings of an even more grim general economic situation. Minister of Tourism Damir Bajs warned the public that they were endangering the upcoming potentially lucrative tourist season with their protests. He stated in public that “there have not been many questions from foreign news reporters, and let’s hope it stays that way.” Deputy Prime Minister Domagoj Ivan Milošević called reporters to a briefing and said that “protests affect the investment climate very negatively,” and continued to reiterate that “we will be entering the EU soon. All this might be slowed by the protests.”

The demand for stability, economic success and the answering of class grievances has for many years in Croatia been equated with the question of EU membership. Since the beginning of Ivo Sanader’s government, the HDZ has ruthlessly pursued EU membership at all costs, and as a remedy to all problems, political, economic and social, in Croatia. All government officials have resorted to the language of order, progress, incrementalism and, most importantly, moderation in pursuit of this goal. Similarly, all dominant parties in the European Parliament (EP) have reinforced this language through their own teleological narrative of EU ascension.

The signing of the Dayton Peace Accords in 1995 might be marked both as the culmination of years of regional intervention and humanitarianism, but also the beginning of these particular narratives of statehood. Marked at first as a state ‘in market transition’ away from socialism following the collapse of Yugoslavia, then as a post-conflict state ‘in transition’ to the cosmopolitan profile of the EU members, Croatia’s position is not unique in the region. Indeed, all the former Yugoslav states have been discussed within the ideological framework of the social and political maturity of the European family of nations on the one hand, and of the Balkans’ developmental ‘handicaps’ and peripheral condition, at the edges of EU membership, on the other hand. In a stunning complement to Croatian President Ivo Josipović’s declaration that protesters “offended Zagreb with their savagery,” Jadranka Kosor, in her speech yesterday at the opening of the centrist-right European People’s Party Congress in the European Parliament stated that “we will do our job, and proudly, with head held-high, enter the European Union and return home to the circle of European Civilizations.” Both thereby implicitly contrasted current Croatian society as ‘primitive’ and ‘backwards,’ not a part of ‘European civilization,’ with the almost messianic possibilities offered by the ‘cultured’ European factors.

The purpose of this brief digression has not been to promote or justify violent behavior amongst protesters. To the contrary, the protests have been remarkable precisely for their peacefulness. On Wednesday, many protesters threw tulips at the feet of Zagreb riot police controlling the event, and chanted “we love you” in a chorus to the officers. Rather, my goal is to stress how the language of moderation, order, progress, culture, and has been at odds with what Asli Bali and Aziz Rana in an article on “The Fake Moderation of America’s Moderate Mideast Allies” for ‘Foreign Policy in Focus’ call “any tangible commitment to actual moderation – understood as an internal project of democratization or political openness.” Since the announcement that there would be protests every other day until the government resigned, the protests have been characterized by the very qualities extolled by moderate pro-Western factions: a dedicated focus on human rights and the right of the majority to choose its elected officials.

These events in Croatia, and reactions to these events highlight what Bali and Rana call “the falseness” of the chaos-order dichotomy as the frame through which we must understand the events in Croatia. The chaos-order dichotomy has been more than complementary to both playing on citizens’ fears of a stumble back to so-called atavistic conflict, as well as the fear that Croatia may never enjoy the ‘stability’ ensured by entry into the geopolitical playground promised by NATO and the EU.
But more than anything, the chaos-order dichotomy has been most crucial for the installation and manufacture of politicians of ‘moderation’ in the years since Dayton. The politicians ‘of moderation’ have effectively, through their installation as the beacons of moderation and as harbingers of European membership, both assured and strengthened their own legitimacy in the eyes of European and “Western” powers. Simultaneously, the legitimacy offered to these politicians of moderation by “Western” powers has discursively prevented critique from a disenfranchised, increasingly impoverished population. Despite their façade of democratization and the discourse of ‘local commitments,’ these political elites have created a state that is extremely corrupt, that can no longer fiscally carry the theft its politicians have orchestrated, and a state apparatus that has placed itself in a class position that the average citizen cannot relate to.

The burning of the EU flag that took place on Wednesday night might then be read also as citizens taking a stand against the legitimacy of domestic politicians who have narrativized the EU ascension process, and who, for most of Croatia’s citizens, represent European legitimacy in the Croatian public sphere.

What brings together the Croatian case with other protests in the Middle East region might best be summarized not by the transition from ‘autocracy’ to ‘democracy’ nor by the transition from ‘socialism’ to ‘capitalism.’ Rather, Croatia, along with the other Yugoslav states, has been, in the past 20 years characterized by the transition from decades of non-aligned policies and politics to the current ‘interventionist’ world order, where local rulers rule longest (and with most legitimacy) if they tow the dominant (whether it be Europeanist or Americanist) geopolitical line. The air of moderation and rhetorical talent of most of these leaders has for years masked the pillage of national treasures, treasuries’ reserves, natural resources, industry and individual citizens’ lives.

Right now, over 10000 protesters have gathered in Zagreb, and their numbers are growing even larger. Their demands are far from ‘hazy’ or ‘disarticulated.’ To the contrary, their demands are clear. The current ruling government must step down. The current prime minister and her cabinet must step down from their positions. Early elections need to be convened. And a new era of class politics, of realigned political concern to local situations, must be recognized in Croatia, and in the wider region as the key to long-term stability.


Sabrina Perić is a doctoral candidate in social anthropology at Harvard University.

 

Le 4 mars 2011.

Source : http://thoughtsoncroatianprotests.blogspot.com/

 

 


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posté le 04-03-2011 à 17:12:46

Chers lecteurs ces derniers temps je focalise mon blog sur la Croatie et plus précisément sur les manifestations qui devraient amener à la chute espérée par toute une nation de l'Ordore Kosur, sorte de Ben Ali balkanique en jupons, la face grimaçante en plus saisissant.

 

 

La cote de popularité du gouvernement n'a jamais été aussi mauvaise, seuls 13,7% des citoyens lui font confiance

 

 

La cote de popularité du gouvernement n'a jamais été aussi basse. D'après une enquête d'opinion de Cro Demoskop, réalisée durant les trois premiers jours de mars, seuls 13,7% des citoyens soutiennent le gouvernement.

 

Par comparaison, à la même époque l'année dernière le gouvernement était soutenu par 54,3% des personnes interrogées. Le travail du gouvernement recueille une évaluation moyenne de 1,88, ce qui représente le plus mauvais résultat depuis janvier 2004, c'est-à-dire depuis que l'agence Promocija plus mène de telles enquêtes sans discontinuer.

 

Pour la Premier ministre Jadranka Kosor les résultats sont catastrophiques à plusieurs niveaux. Rien qu'en un mois la note d'évaluation du travail de son gouvernement a reculé de 2,15 à 1,88. De manière attendue la meilleure note (3,34) a été attribuée par les électeurs du HDZ [son parti, N.D.T.], quoiqu'elle soit aussi d'un niveau moyen. Rien qu'en un mois l'appui au HDZ a régressé de 2,7%. Alors qu'au début du mois de février 21,9% des électeurs auraient voté pour le parti au pouvoir, au début de mars seuls 19,2% lui auraient accordé leurs voix.

 

La coalition de gauche creuse l'écart : 41,2% des électeurs (contre 42% le mois précédent) voteraient pour la coalition de gauche, alors que 24,4% (contre 27,8% le mois précédent) voteraient pour la coalition au pouvoir.

 

Mais ce qui devrait inquiéter le plus la Premier ministre est le fait que seuls 14,1% des citoyens souhaiteraient qu'elle remporte un nouveau mandat, alors qu'il y a un mois ils étaient 30,2% à émettre un tel voeu.

 

Il semble que les manifestations ont "détruit" la cote de popularité de Jadranka Kosor et de son parti. C'est ce que confirment les résultats des enquêtes d'après lesquels les citoyens ont détaché comme événement les plus marquants le mois dernier, outre l'affaire Purda et la hausse du chômage, les manifestations organisées via Facebook et par les anciens combattants.

 

Le principal parti d'opposition a lui aussi subi une légère perte de popularité : 29,9% des citoyens voteraient pour le SDP contre 31% le mois précédent. Le politicien le plus populaire reste sans conteste le président Ivo Josipović (46,6%), suivi par le gouverneur de la Banque centrale Željko Rohatinski (9,4%), alors qu'occupe la troisième place le chef du SDP, Zoran Milanović (5,5%).

 

Une hausse de popularité est également enregistrée par le HSP et par les labouristes de Dragutin Lesar. Les deux restent néanmoins entre 1 et 2% en dessous du seuil électoral.

 

 

Vladin rejting nikad lošiji – podržava je samo 13,7% građana

 

Rejting Vlade nikada nije bio niži. Prema istraživanju Cro Demoskopa provedenom u prva tri dana ožujka, Vladu podržava samo 13,7 posto građana.


Za usporedbu, u isto vrijeme lani politiku Vlade podržavalo je 54,3 posto ispitanika. Rad Vlade građani ocjenjuju prosječnom ocjenom 1,88, što je najlošiji rezultat od siječnja 2004. godine, odnosno od kada agencija Promocija plus kontinuirano provodi takva istraživanja.

 

Za premijerku Jadranku Kosor rezultati su katastrofalni u više kategorija. U samo mjesec dana ocjena rada njezine Vlade pala je sa 2,15 na 1,88. Najbolju ocjenu, očekivano, dali su birači HDZ-a, ali i ona je tek prosječna - 3,34. Podrška HDZ-u pala je u samo mjesec dana 2,7 posto. Dok bi početkom veljače za vladajuću stranku glasovalo 21,9 posto birača, početkom ožujka svoj glas dalo bi im tek 19,2 posto birača.

 

Lijeva koalicija povećava prednost. Za Kukuriku koaliciju glasovalo bi 41,2 posto (prema prošlomjesečnih 42 posto), a za vladajuće 24,4 posto (prema prošlomjesečnih 27,8 posto).

 

No ono što bi premijerku najviše trebalo zabrinuti jest podatak da bi samo 14,1 posto građana željelo da osvoji još jedan mandat, dok je prije mjesec dana to isto željelo njih 30,2 posto.

 

Očito je da su prosvjedi “uništili” rejting Jadranke Kosor i njezine stranke. To potvrđuju i rezultati istraživanja prema kojima su građani, uz “slučaj Purda” i porast nezaposlenosti, upravo prosvjede “fejsbukovaca” i branitelja istakli kao najvažnije događaje u prošlom mjesecu.

 

Lagani pad rejtinga doživjela je i vodeća opozicijska stranka. Za SDP bi glasovalo 29,9 posto građana, naspram prošlomjesečnih 31 posto. Uvjerljivo najpopularniji političar i dalje je predsjednik Ivo Josipović (46,6%), slijedi guverner Željko Rohatinski (9,4%), a na trećem mjestu je šef SDP-a Zoran Milanović (5,5%).

 

Rast popularnosti bilježe oba HSP-a i Lesarovi laburisti. No, još uvijek su jedan do dva posto ispod izbornog praga.

 

 

Source : vecernji.hr, le 4 mars 2011.

 

 

 

L'Ordore Kosur patine sur une croûte de popularité de plus en plus mince

 

 


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posté le 04-03-2011 à 10:43:23

La contestation se poursuit en Croatie

 

Aujourd'hui les sièges du HDZ (principal parti de la coalition au pouvoir) à Zagreb et Karlovac ont été aspergés de peinture rouge.

 

Dans une lettre ouverte l'organisation politique Radnička borba qui prône la fin du capitalisme assume la responsabilité des "attaques" contre les locaux du HDZ, "l'organisation la plus responsable pour le bilan économique et social catastrophique et pour la situation tragique dans laquelle se trouvent les travailleurs et les chômeurs". Ce geste, est-il dit, "représente une contribution symbolique à la révolte massive qui secoue tout le pays".  

 

Politička organizacija koja se zalaže za ukidanje kapitalizma Radnička borba u otvorenom je pismu za medije preuzela odgovornost za navedene "napade" na prostorije HDZ-a, "organizacije najodgovornije za katastrofalno ekonomsko i socijalno stanje i tragičan položaj u kojemu se nalaze radnici i nezaposleni". Ova gesta, navode, "predstavlja simboličan doprinos masovnoj pobuni koja potresa cijelu zemlju".

 

***

 

Aujourd'hui de nouvelles manifestations sont prévues à Zagreb à partir de 18H00. Le rassemblement de départ aura lieu de manière traditionnelle sur la Place des Fleurs.

 

 

La preuve que les manifestations ne se cantonnent pas à la capitale Zagreb.

 

Une manifesation datant du 2 mars à Rijeka

 



 

 


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